Prison rape generally refers to rape of prisoners in prison by other inmates or prison staff. In 2001, Human Rights Watch estimated that at least 140,000 inmates had been raped while imprisoned in the United States. A report by the US Department of Justice, Sexual Victims in Prisons and Prison Reports by Prisoners, states that "In 2011-12, an estimated 4.0% of state and federal prison inmates and 3.2% prisoners are prisoners reported experiencing one or more incidents of sexual victimization by inmates or other facility staff in the past 12 months or from entry into the facility, if less than 12 months. "However, proponents debated the accuracy of the figures, saying they appeared to be less reporting on actual numbers from sexual assault in prison, especially among teenagers.
A meta-analysis published in 2004 found a prevalence rate of 1.91% with a 95% confidence interval between 1.37-2.46%. In a survey of 1,788 male prisoners in the Midwestern prison by the Prison Journal, about 21% said they had been forced or forced into sexual activity during their detention, and 7% said they had been raped in the current they are current. amenities. According to research conducted by the US Department of Justice for 2006, there are 2,205 alleged non-consensual sexual acts of convicts reported in the US prison system, 262 of which are attested.
Video Prison rape in the United States
Statistics
Studies have shown that adult juveniles are five times more likely to report being victims of sexual violence than adolescents in adolescent facilities, and adolescent suicide rates in adult prisons are 7.7 times higher than juvenile detention centers.
In the United States, public awareness about the phenomenon of prison rape is a relatively recent development and estimates for its prevalence have varied considerably over the decades. In 1974, Carl Weiss and David James Friar wrote that 46 million Americans would one day be confined; of that amount, they claim, 10 million will be raped. The 1992 estimate of the Federal Prisons Bureau estimates that between 9 and 20 percent of inmates have been sexually assaulted. Studies in 1982 and 1996 both concluded that the figure was between 12 and 14 percent; The 1996 study, by Cindy Struckman-Johnson, concluded that 18 percent of the attacks were carried out by prison staff. A 1986 study by Daniel Lockwood mentions a figure of about 23 percent for the maximum security prison in New York. 1994 Christine Saum's survey of 101 inmates showed 5 people had been sexually assaulted.
Reported cases of rape have increased drastically in recent years, although this may be partly due to improved counseling and reports. The threat of AIDS, which affects many of those raped in prison, has also resulted in an increase in reported cases for the benefit of medical assistance.
According to one source, sexual harassment by women against detainees is a huge problem in juvenile detention centers, where 90% of victims of staff abuse say a female prison officer is the perpetrator.
According to the Bureau of Justice Statistics, about 80,000 women and men a year are sexually abused in American penitentiary facilities. The National Inmates Survey presented data comprising 233 state and federal prisons, 358 local prisons, and fifteen special prisoners between the period February 2011 and May 2012, with samples of 92,449 prisoners aged eighteen or more, and 1,738 inmates sixteen to seventeen years. Statistical information highlights that approximately 4.0% of state and federal prisoners and 3.2% of inmates in jail reported experiencing one or more incidents of sexual abuse by inmates of other facility staff since they entered the facility or in the last twelve months since the survey it is implemented. More specifically, about 29,300 detainees reported incidents of other inmates, 34,100 detainees reported incidents involving staff working at the facility, and 5,500 inmates reported incidents involving both. The rates reported by male prisoners are higher than female prisoners, higher among African American inmates than Caucasian prisoners, and lower among prisoners aged thirty-five years or older than inmates aged twenty to twenty-four year.
In addition, juvenile inmates aged sixteen to seventeen in adult prisons do not have a significantly higher rate of sexual casualties compared to adult inmates. An estimated 1.8% of juvenile inmates aged sixteen to seventeen are reported to be victims by other inmates, compared with 2.0% of adult prisoners and 1.6% of adults in prison. Among juvenile inmates in the same age range, 3.2% of adolescents reported experiencing sexual behavior of staff, compared with 2.4% of adults in prison and 1.8% of adults in prison. Furthermore, inmates reporting their sexual orientation as gay, lesbian, bisexual, or others have the highest levels of sexual violence in this survey period (2011-12). Of the inmates who identified as non-heterosexual, 12.2% of inmates and 8.5% prisoners were reported to be sexual victims by other inmates; 5.4% of inmates and 4.3% prisoners were reported to be sexually assaulted by facility staff.
During 2016 and 2017, the US Department of Justice and Justice Bureau statistics update the data collected for the Rape Abolition Prevention Act (2003) through the National Youth Survey in Care (NSYC). The National Youth Survey in Custody provides an estimate of youth who reported sexual casualties in adolescent facilities through computerized self-interviewing technology. The survey was first conducted in June 2008 and the third data was collected in 2017. The data collected highlighted that sexual violence in female youth facilities alone (5.3%), which is more than three times greater than male facilities alone (1.5%). Young adolescent sexual violence was (1.1%) at the facility where nearly all reported teenagers first learned that sexual violence was not allowed within the first twenty-four hours of arrival. For facilities with a 76% greater youth concentration with a history of psychiatric conditions, there were 4.0% reported incidents of sexual violence by other youth. Youth reported 5.9% of staff committed sexual offenses for facilities with many live units, compared with 2.1% of adolescents in facilities with single units. To conclude, the highest level of sexual abuse of staff at facilities where youth considered unfair facility staff (10.3%), youth had the least perception of staff (9.7%), and youths worried about physical attacks by other youth (8 , 2%). %) or staff (11.2%).
Maps Prison rape in the United States
Psychological Repercussion
According to a report conducted by the Bureau of Justice Statistics in 2011-12, inmates with serious psychological disorders reported high rates of inmates and sexual abuse of prison staff. An estimated 6.3% of federal prison inmates with serious psychological distress are reported to have been sexually assaulted by other inmates, compared with 0.7% of inmates with no serious mental illness. Similar statistics are reported for non-heterosexual prisoners who report higher rates of prisoner casualties than inmates; 21% of inmates and 14.7% prison inmates with serious psychological disorders reported being sexually harassed. For each subgroup measured (sex, race or Hispanic, body mass index, sexual orientation, and offense), inmates with serious psychological disorders report a higher rate of prisoners' inmates than inmates without mental health problems.
This statistical information is very important because of the very complex impact that sexual violence and rape can cause a person. According to data provided by the Bureau of Justice and Statistics, 36.6% of inmates and 43.7% prisoners are reportedly told by a mental health professional that they have a mental disorder. Prisoners identified with serious psychological distress reported high levels of overall sexual assault. Serious psychological distress was identified in prisoners through the use of the K6 screening test. The test consists of six questions about how often prisoners feel nervous, discouraged, anxious, depressed, out of business, and useless in the last 30 days. The summary score is added to three categories: 0-7 meaning there is no mental illness, 8-12 means anxiety-mood disorder, and 13 or higher means serious psychological disorders. State and federal inmates identified with serious psychological pressure who were sexually assaulted by other inmates were estimated at 6.3% and sexually casualties by facility staff members was 5.6%. Similarly, 3.6% of prison inmates identified with serious psychological disorders are reported to be sexually assaulted by other inmates and 3.6% are sexually victimized by staff members.
Human Rights Watch published a book entitled "No Escape: Male Rape in the U.S" on April 17, 2007 where they conducted extensive three-year research to expose male rape in US prisons. The information provided in the book was gathered from over 200 prisoners among thirty-four states. Human Rights Watch includes a specific description of the psychological effects of rape on victims of sexual abuse, stating "Prison rape victims commonly report nightmares, major depression, embarrassment, loss of self-esteem, self-hatred, and consideration or attempted suicide. also illustrates an increase in anger and violent tendencies. "Consequently, due to the severity of the action one of the most important reactions is the fear instigated far beyond the initial trauma reaction. In Patricia Resick's article titled "Rape Trauma and the Criminal Justice System", she discusses the therapeutic study of fear in rape and state victims, "it is not unusual for women who practice ten or twenty years to seek help to continue the rape-related issue. "
Sexually transmitted diseases
A common problem that occurs because of prison rape is the transmission of sexually transmitted infections, including HIV. According to the US Department of Justice, in December 2008, a total of 21,987 prisoners in federal and state prisons were HIV positive or confirmed to have AIDS. Prisons and prisons today have very high HIV rates compared with the general population at large. There is evidence that rape and other forms of sexual violence help in STD transmission. Forms of unprotected anal or anal sex have the highest risk of transmitting STDs. Especially for receptive pairs, the result of forced sex ruptures the anus or vaginal membrane and causes severe bleeding. The unfortunate fact is that "incidents of prison rape often involve many perpetrators" that help the spread of sexually transmitted diseases and, "unlike sexual violence in the general public, a person raped in a prison may not be able to get rid of himself from around the perpetrator or perpetrator and thus can be repeatedly raped while in jail ". Despite the increasing number of detainees with sexually transmitted diseases, reliable statistics on prisoners who have received STDs due to prison rape are not available. Many reports of sexual abuse of either vaginal or anal sex remain unreported.
It is important to note, "racial and ethnic discrimination, low socioeconomic status, migrant status, mental illness, and housing instability can also, independently or with one another, increase the risk of HIV infection and infection". Famous transgender people "face a high risk of HIV transmission and detention as a result of criminalization, discrimination in health settings, law enforcement, and social marginalization". Transgender women, "[in particular] are subject to high levels of police abuse, including profiles as sex workers and sexual exploitation and physical and verbal abuse of male guards and prisoners in detention".
The mass crowd has become a serious problem in federal and state prisons, which strongly contributes to the prevalence of sexual harassment. Prison populations have increased dramatically in the 2000s due to policies such as increased legal punishment and the War on Drugs. Prisoners are becoming more vulnerable to HIV infection and other sexually transmitted diseases because of the lack of space and resources available to them. With a larger prison population to be watched, there is less supervision and protection offered to prisoners and many are subjected to abuse, including prison rape. The density of prisons not only affects prison populations, but also acts as a serious public health problem and can affect the health of society as a whole. Individuals released easily can transfer STDs to others in larger communities. Therefore, it is very important to prevent transmission of infectious diseases inside the prison.
Rarely are resources available for prevention of STD transmission. Some systems, such as city and district prison systems, do not actively seek to identify and treat prisoners with STDs. Although highly recommended by public health officials, materials for prevention of PMS transmission, including condom distribution, HIV testing, and risk counseling and assessment, are rarely accessible to prisoners.
Prison and jail sexuality
In rape in prison, perpetrators and victims are almost always of the same sex (due to the imprisonment nature of separated prisons by sex). As such, a number of issues regarding sexual orientation and gender roles are related to the topic.
In US male prisons, rapists generally identify themselves as heterosexual and limit themselves to non-receptive sexual acts. Victims, commonly referred to as "punk" or "bitches", may or may not be seen as homosexual. "Punks" is a term for those who are generally restricted to perform receptive sexual acts. In addition, although "punk" is forced to have sex with an aggressor in exchange for protection, these people generally consider themselves heterosexual.
Along with bribes for protection, male and female inmates sell sex for money, or additional reasons such as bribery or extortion. According to a 2006 Bureau of Statistics Justice (BJS) study, in 30 percent of prisoners' incidents, victims were discussed in a sexual encounter. These findings suggest that there is more behind the prison rape than just one's sexuality. Male sexual abuse is more often done by staff, while female prisoners are more often the other prisoners. Incompatibility in sexual assault between the sexes can be attributed to the lack of reporting by inmates. A recent study found that "only about a quarter of male and one tenths of female inmates reported perceived casualties to prisoners or prison officers." Sacrifice reports among women and men involve abusive sexual contact and some form of forced sex.
In US women's prisons, there is a general notion that sexual encounters usually occur more in the hope of "love, compassion, and friendship." This is rather true, but there are also hypersexualizations and stereotypes associated with imprisoned women. Some societies see women jailed as social and overly sexual aberrations, which can translate into the notion that women in prison always have voluntary relationships. A study in 1966 noted that 21 percent of female prisoners have voluntary homosexual relationships. However, recent research on female prisoners shows a change. Recent studies have found that only "five of 35 women" interviewed are in voluntary homosexual relationships, with most women now describing themselves as "loners." This change shows that homosexual relationships among imprisoned women do not occur less frequently than in previous generations.
LGBT prisoners are more likely to be raped while in jail. Although the reporting system of sexual violence is notoriously flawed due to the fear or pride of prisoners, elaboration on this statement is found in recent publications. All prisoner surveys conducted by the Bureau of Justice Statistics confirm that LGBT inmates "report a higher rate of sexual victims than their direct counterparts." In the 2011-2012 Survey, the Bureau found that in the last 12.2 months 12.2% of non-heterosexual people in prisons reported convicts of sexual harassment and heterosexual inmates reported 1.2%. In terms of staff-on-inmate sexual assaults, 5.4% of nonheterosexual prisoners reported casualties, compared with 2.1% of heterosexual prisoners who reported being victims. A study conducted in a California prison found that 67 percent of LGBTQ inmates reported sexual assaults during their detention. Many speculate that these figures are due to their place in the sexual hierarchy in prison, which automatically makes them subject to sexual violence. These findings illustrate that imprisoned LGBT populations face a much higher number of victims than their heterosexual counterparts.
Some prisons separate homosexuals known, bisexual, and transgender from the general prison population to prevent rape and violence against them. However, there are other methods of separation from the population, such as violating rules or pretending to attempt suicide. Other inmates have been forced to kill their rapists (or future rapists), especially those who already have a lengthy sentence and thus are immune from further legal consequences.
The embarrassment of perceived homosexuality can contribute to the lack of rape reporting by victims. The statistics of prison rape are much higher than reported, as many victims are afraid to report, threatened with physical abuse by rapists if reported, as well as staff indifference.
The Federal Law of Public Law 108-79 was passed in the United States in 2003. According to Stop Prisoner Rape, Inc.:
The bill calls for the collection of national statistics on the subject; developing guidelines for countries on how to deal with rape of prisoners; making a review panel for holding an annual hearing; and grants to the state to combat the problem. "Unfortunately, in many facilities throughout the country sexual harassment is constantly out of control," says Stemple. "Too often, corrective officers turn a blind eye, or in the case of female prisoners, actually harassment.We hope that federal law will not only create incentives for countries to take the matter seriously, but also provide tools and information they must prevent it. "
Reporting Prison Rape
"Sexual harassment is [unreported] crimes," and prison rape only increases the likelihood for individuals not to "report their attacks to law enforcement personnel." A "Survey of Victims of Crime [concludes] that only 20-35% of female sexual violence victims" publicly discuss and report their attacks on police officers. Victims of sexual assault deal with shame and fear, which play an important role in their decision to report the crime. Women and other minority groups have a very difficult situation when dealing with reporting sexual violence against law enforcement. "Certain communities and settings" makes it more difficult to report attacks; for example college campuses are notorious for not handling rape claims appropriately.
The Prison Rape Elimination Act "(PREA) was passed in 2003, but" unfortunately the guidelines and standards that make up the law are not implemented nationally until 2014. A study conducted by five leading experts analyzed what "factors" are important for decisions making the women process behind reporting sexual assault in prison "in an attempt to inform or improve the implementation of PREA." The study consisted of 179 imprisoned women who experienced "nearly 400 incidents of staff sexual abuse." This study focused on women because there was a higher volume of women who were sexually assaulted in prison, making the majority of cases of reporting studying women.
This study addresses individual level factors that contribute to the reporting of sexual violence in prisons. Gender gender plays a role in reporting, in "that female victims of sexual assaults are more likely to report their attacks than male victims." In terms of the victim's race, it appears that there is no difference in reported cases based on race in imprisoned women. Another important factor in reported cases of sexual violence can be the victims of age. Younger victims are more likely to report than older victims, most likely because younger victims want to take action while older victims are more concerned with "potential consequences with reporting." Victim's opinions and victim education are a surprising factor because "women with higher socioeconomic status are less likely to report sexual assaults," and women with higher education tend to report less frequently than those with less formal education.
In addition to individual-level factors, this study revealed that this type of attack has an adverse effect on the possibility of reporting. "Attacks resulting in physical injuries were 3.7 times more likely to be reported" and "more than one-off attacks were only half as likely to be reported." Attacks that produce compensation in one form or another are much less likely to be reported. All of these factors that determine the probability of a prisoner to report play a major role in how the prison rape should be dealt with. Individuals need to be comfortable with speaking and need to be aware of their choices in terms of reporting, as well as reassessment of correctional staff.
In another study, Brett Garland and Gabrielle Wilson studied whether reporting sexual assaults was seen as pitted in prison settings. The data collected from their scientific journals were collected from the "EthnoMethodological Study of the Prisoners Subculture of Prison Sexuality Prisoners in the United States, 2004-2005, taken from the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research," which analyzed 409 male priests and 155 female prisoners from "30 high security prisons." These prisons are scattered in 10 different states in the "four areas of the United States." The results of Garland and Wilson's analysis of the data "sixty-five percent of the investigated inmates" agree that reporting sexual assault is similar to pitting. It was also found that "the possibility of an inmate considers that reporting an identical rape with snitching increased 33% for each" increase in the months that had been presented at the time of a person's sentence. However, over time, the possibility of a prisoner registering the report by pitting will ultimately reach the highest point, and the time of their punishment will no longer determine their views on reporting. Race and ethnicity were evaluated and data showed that "black prisoners are less likely to consider reporting rape as a snitching." Several other variables were analyzed, such as "imprisoned age, prior prison commitment, age, marital status, sexual orientation, or violent offenses," but proved to be insignificant with research objectives.
This study highlights the views of the detainees about rape. Garland and Wilson concluded that there was "a need to address the socialization of inmates soon after the arrival of inmates, as the likelihood of receiving a rape report as a snitching increased most during the initial months of detention." This study assures that a prisoner's decision on whether or not to report a sexual assault depends again on many factors.
A journal written by four scientific researchers, the subject of a rape acceptance myth (RMA) was analyzed to see how it affected the reporting of sexual violence with women. Throughout their early studies, the authors introduced the idea of ​​"'classical rape'" seen as "kidnapping, offender becoming stranger, severe force, and serious injury." Jailed women tend to compare their own sexual assaults with their own concepts of what is termed "rape." This correlation is believed to "negatively impact women's decision to report to the police." The myth of rape is defined as "specific beliefs about widespread and persistent rape, regardless of the fact that they are mostly wrong."
The overall purpose of this study was to determine "whether RMA is a real barrier for imprisoned women" in terms of reporting behavior. The results showed that women who received the rape myth "98.1 times smaller" to report their sexual assault to the police. Highlighted that "mental health of rape victims" is directly affected by whether they decide to report their sexual violence or not. It was revealed that people who report their attacks early "may produce higher self-esteem and fewer post-traumatic trauma disorder symptoms (PTSD)." Because RMA is negatively correlated with victims' reporting behavior, it can be said, "RMA is a barrier to recovery and psychological healing."
Politics
The US has been proven to imprison, "a larger percentage of the population than any other country in the world except the Seychelles" whose inhabitants are 0.03% of the United States. Prisoners in America are, "at least three times more likely to have HIV/AIDS than the general US population". The study authors published in 2014 in Health Affairs, "surveyed medical directors from 50 state prison systems and 40 of the country's largest prisons" and "found that only 19% of prison systems and 35% of prisons provided an HIV test opt-out ". They are a test in which all, "prisoners are tested unless they specifically refuse". Timothy Flanigan, an infectious disease specialist at Brown University, points out that "other countries have a much more proactive approach" than the US. He added that, "unfortunately, our prisons and prison systems are largely governed by cities and states": they are not federal. Privatization of prison facilities can be hazardous to public health, incentives to screen and treat prisoners at low cost. Condoms are, "a cheap way to minimize the risk of HIV transmission in prisons and jails, but few state prison systems and only some of the largest prisons provide them".
Most people, very wrongly understand the gravity of rape in prison. There are many problems caused by rape in prison, including the fact that it, "undermines the structure of authority in prison settings". Some victims, "found that sexual predators control their lives more than... institutional authorities". The high prevalence of rape in prison facilities, "generates public perception that prisons are chaotic, insecure, prisons and prisons should be places where crime is paid, not committed". It is also important to acknowledge that, "rampant prison rape culture increases the level of violence inside and outside of prison". Rape of the prison, "has long been recognized as a contributing factor in fights, murders, rebellions, and other forms of institutional violence". Prison rape also creates public health problems. After a traumatic event, "victims need physical and mental health care both in prison and after they are released". In addition, "further the spread of infectious diseases, such as HIV, AIDS, tuberculosis, and hepatitis B and C, both inside and outside of prison". "The physical and psychological problems resulting from prison rape also make it difficult for former detainees to keep permanent jobs or to assimilate back into normal life routines." One expert voiced that, "the high prevalence of prison rape results in" higher recidivism, more homeless [,] or in the best individuals who need some form of government assistance. "" The American society, "failing to see the rape prison for the tragedy, is a tragedy that affects not only prisons and prisoners but also the wider community". Michael Horowitz, a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, is credited by many, "as the creative force behind the prison rape law": PREA. He was "very influential in initiating ideas, developing the legislative language, and coordinating a wave of support for the bill from various coalitions of interest groups, religion, and public policy". "A diverse coalition including Amnesty International, American Concern, Family Focus, Human Rights Watch, Justice Policy Institute, NAACP, Evangelical National Association, Open Society Policy Center, La Raza National Council, Prison Guild, Stop Rape Detainees, and many other organizations ". The law was made in an effort, "to change the attitudes and perceptions of government officials and people in the field of correction of prison rape by preventing, investigating, and prosecuting prisons rapping key priorities across nation's correctional facilities". While providing the foundation, "for solid data collection on the level of prison rape issues" and assisting, "correction officials to make informed decisions as they seek to eliminate them".
Many human rights groups, such as Human Rights Watch and Stop Prisoner Rape, have documented documented incidents showing that prison staff tolerate rape as a means to control the prison population in general.
Topics of prison rape common in American humor. Jokes like "do not drop the soap" seem to indicate that prison rape is the expected consequence of being sent to jail. This phenomenon is exemplified by the feature film of 2006 Let's Go to Prison or the Do not Drop the Soap game marketed by John Sebelius, son of Kathleen Sebelius. Songs were also composed on this topic, such as the song "Prisoner of Love" by radio personalities Bob and Tom, appearing as "Slam and Dave".
The US Federal law, under the 2003 Rape Abolition Act, calls for the preparation of national prison rape statistics, annual hearings by review panels, and grants to states to deal with prison rape. A highly controversial and controversial first study, funded under PREA by Mark Fleisher, concluded that prison rape is rare: "The world view of prison rape does not interpret sexual pressure as coercion," he wrote. "Conversely, sexual pressure leads, guides or shepherds the process of sexual awakening."
In 2007, the US Supreme Court refused to hear the case of Khalid el-Masri, who accused the CIA of torturing, including 'forced anal penetration', due to the privilege of state secrets.
In 2012, the US Department of Justice issued a nationally imposed protocol to all prisons to expand the provisions of the 2003 PREA Act. This step is an attempt to prevent, detect, and respond to prison rape more effectively. This measure includes many provisions, such as banning teenagers to be placed with adult prisoners, sex-transit bans, video monitoring and special attention to lesbian, gay, transgender or bisexual prisoners vulnerable to harassment. Attorney General Eric Holder noted that "these standards are the result of a wise and deliberative process - and represent an important step forward in protecting the rights and safety of all Americans."
Famous victims
- Clyde Barrow from Bonnie and Clyde
- Stephen Donaldson
- Rodney Hulin
- T. J. Parsell
- Abner Louima (raped by police)
See also
- National Immigration Removal Commission
- Sexual harassment of women in American prisons
- HIV/AIDS in American prisons
- Prison sexuality
- Prisoner rights in the United States
Note
References
- [1] "No Runaway: Male Rape in US Prison," Human Rights Watch, accessed August 20, 2006.
- [2] "The Basics of Rape Behind the Grail," Stop Prisoner Rape, Inc., accessed August 20, 2006.
- [3] Alex Coolman, "Trivializing Prison Rape," CounterPunch , August 1, 2003.
- [4] Steve J.B., "Prison Bitch," CounterPunch , August 1, 2003.
- [5] Joanne Mariner, "Preventing Prison Rape, FindLaw.com, June 24, 2002.
- Martin Forst et al., Youth in Prison and School Training: Perceptions and Consequences of Dichotomy Treatment-Detention , 2 Juv. & amp; Fam. Ct. J. 9 (1989).
Further reading
- Harnsberger, R. Scott. Guide to Texas Criminal Justice Statistics Sources [North Texas Crime and Criminal Justice Series, no.6]. Denton: University of North Texas Press, 2011. ISBN: 978-1-57441-308-3
- National Rison Elimination Commission Report and Standards: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, and Homeland Security Justice Committee, House of Representatives, Hundred Eleven Congresses, First Session, 8 July 2009. United States. Congress. Home. Judicial Committee. Subcommittee on Crime, Terrorism, and Homeland Security. Washington: AS G.P.O.: For Sale by Supt. Documents., U.S. G.P.O., 2010.
External links
- Stop the Rape Organization Prisoners who campaign against the prison rape
- LA Times coverage
Source of the article : Wikipedia
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